After Ayala Metzger's relatives were kidnapped from Nir Oz and abandoned by the government, she had no choice but to become an ‘a(chǎn)nti-regime dissident’ — and insist on a shared Israeli-Palestinian future.

在阿亞拉·梅茨格 的親屬從尼爾奧茲被綁架并被政府拋棄后，她別無選擇，只能成為一名“反政權(quán)異見人士”——并堅持以色列和巴勒斯坦共同的未來。
原創(chuàng)翻譯：龍騰網(wǎng) http://m.mintwatchbillionaireclub.com 轉(zhuǎn)載請注明出處


When Ayala Metzger walks among the ghosts of Nir Oz, it almost feels like she isn’t quite sure whose story she wants to tell first. For the better part of the last year, she has been regularly leading tours along the dusty paths between the kibbutz’s gutted low-rise homes, located just four kilometers from the Gaza Strip. To anyone who will listen, she recounts what happened here on the morning of October 7 in vivid detail, like a forensic scientist reconstructing a crime scene.

當(dāng)阿亞拉·梅茨格走在尼爾奧茲的鬼魂中間時，她幾乎感覺自己不太確定自己想先講誰的故事。在過去一年的大部分時間里，她經(jīng)常帶領(lǐng)游客沿著基布茲被燒毀的低層住宅之間的塵土飛揚的小路前行，基布茲距離加沙地帶僅四公里。對于任何愿意傾聽的人，她都會生動詳細(xì)地講述 10 月 7 日早上這里發(fā)生的事情，就像法醫(yī)重建犯罪現(xiàn)場一樣。

Forty-one members of Nir Oz and 11 Thai workers were killed in the kibbutz that day, while 71 residents and five more workers were kidnapped and taken back to Gaza. But Metzger doesn’t view herself as simply the groundskeeper of a plaque-less memorial; as the daughter-in-law of Yoram Metzger, whose body was brought back to Israel in a military operation after he was killed in Hamas’ captivity in February, and of Tamar Metzger, who returned alive in November last year in the hitherto only hostage deal, she knows time is not on the side of the remaining hostages.

當(dāng)天，41 名尼爾奧茲成員和 11 名泰國工人在基布茲被殺害，71 名居民和 5 名工人被綁架并被帶回加沙。但梅茨格并不認(rèn)為自己只是一座沒有牌匾的紀(jì)念碑的管理員；作為約蘭·梅茨格和塔瑪·梅茨格的兒媳，她知道時間并不站在剩下的人質(zhì)一邊。約蘭·梅茨格的遺體于 2 月在哈馬斯的囚禁中被擊斃，隨后在一次軍事行動中被運回以色列。塔瑪·梅茨格于去年 11 月在迄今為止唯一的人質(zhì)交易中活著返回以色列。

Perhaps that is why she so fiercely oscillates between the personal and the political. Walking with her through what remains of her former community allows for scarcely a moment to absorb the horrors, but Metzger’s thoughts seem to be racing far ahead.

也許這就是她如此激烈地在個人與政治之間搖擺不定的原因。與她一起走過她以前社區(qū)的遺跡，幾乎沒有時間消化那些恐怖，但梅茨格的思緒似乎飛向遠(yuǎn)方。

She moves through the ruins of Bracha Levinson’s home — where her killers allegedly live-streamed her murder on Facebook, and where traces of a life cut short, including a personal diary left open on a couch, remain littered among the wreckage. There is barely time to take it all in before Metzger breaks the silence, recounting the minute details of the residents’ evacuation to the southern city of Eilat the day after the carnage. Gazing at the toys scattered outside the Bibas family’s home, whose red-haired children have become the most recognizable faces of the hostages in Gaza, Metzger weaves between her daughter’s survival story and reflections on her own metamorphosis into an activist.

她穿過布拉查·萊文森家的廢墟——據(jù)稱兇手曾在這里通過 Facebook 直播謀殺她的過程，而她生命的短暫痕跡，包括沙發(fā)上留下的一本打開的個人日??記，仍然散落在廢墟之中。還沒來得及回憶這一切，梅茨格就打破了沉默，講述了大屠殺發(fā)生第二天居民撤離到南部城市埃拉特的詳細(xì)情況。凝視著比巴斯家門外散落的玩具，他們家的紅頭發(fā)孩子已經(jīng)成為加沙人質(zhì)中最容易辨認(rèn)的面孔，梅茨格將女兒的幸存故事與自己成為一名活動家的轉(zhuǎn)變的反思交織在一起。

But Metzger is not merely a relative who occasionally joins protests in support of a hostage deal. Within several months of the war breaking out, she had come to believe that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is the “main obstacle” to bringing back the hostages, choosing to prolong Israel’s onslaught on Gaza at their expense. Today, she is one of the most prominent voices among the hostage families, demanding an immediate end to a war that has killed over 44,000 Palestinians and wounded more than 100,000 others — transforming her, as she puts it, into an “anti-regime dissident.”

但梅茨格不僅僅是一位偶爾參加支持人質(zhì)交易抗議活動的親戚。戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)幾個月后，她開始相信總理本雅明·內(nèi)塔尼亞胡是帶回人質(zhì)的“主要障礙”，他選擇以犧牲人質(zhì)為代價延長以色列對加沙的攻擊。如今，她成為人質(zhì)家屬中最突出的聲音之一，要求立即結(jié)束這場已造成44000多名巴勒斯坦人死亡、100000多人受傷的戰(zhàn)爭——用她的話說，這使她變成了一名“反政權(quán)異見人士”。

Recounting a massacre
On paper, Metzger appears to be anything but a dissident. She grew up in an Ashkenazi, Zionist-left home in Pardes Hanna-Karkur, a sleepy middle-class town in central Israel known today for its anti-vaxxers and hippie communes. She was raised on the lore of her grandparents, veterans of the 1948 War who “fought to establish the state and creating something meaningful.”

大屠殺重述
從表面上看，梅茨格似乎根本不是一個異見人士。她在帕德斯?jié)h納-卡庫爾的一個德系猶太人猶太復(fù)國主義左翼家庭長大，帕德斯?jié)h納-卡庫爾是以色列中部一個沉睡的中產(chǎn)階級小鎮(zhèn)，如今以反疫苗者和嬉皮士公社而聞名。她在祖父母的傳說中長大，祖父母是 1948 年戰(zhàn)爭的老兵，他們“為建立國家和創(chuàng)造有意義的東西而奮斗”。

She and her husband Ran, who was born and raised in Nir Oz, moved to the kibbutz in the early ‘90s and left in 2005, the year Israel evacuated its settlements from the Gaza Strip. Although she always thought of herself as a leftist and against the occupation, she was more of a passive onlooker with some half-formed views, rather than a full-time activist. It was October 7 and its aftermath that would irrevocably change her into the latter.

她和在尼爾奧茲出生長大的丈夫蘭于 20 世紀(jì) 90 年代初搬到基布茲，并于 2005 年離開，那一年以色列撤離了加沙地帶的定居點。雖然她一直認(rèn)為自己是左翼人士，反對占領(lǐng)，但她更像是一個持不成熟觀點的被動旁觀者，而不是全職活動家。10 月 7 日事件及其后果將她不可逆轉(zhuǎn)地變成了后者。

On that day, like many other Israelis, Metzger woke up to the sound of sirens in her moshav, not far from the southern city of Ashkelon. Shortly thereafter, she started receiving text messages from her youngest daughter, who had spent the night with Metzger’s brother-in-law in Nir Oz. As the hours passed, the messages became more frantic and indiscernible, which Metzger later learned was due to the presence of Hamas gunmen outside the family’s home.

那天，和許多其他以色列人一樣，梅茨格被她位于南部城市阿什凱隆附近的莫沙夫的警報聲吵醒。不久之后，她開始收到小女兒發(fā)來的短信，她和梅茨格的姐夫在尼爾奧茲過了一夜。幾個小時過去了，短信變得越來越混亂，越來越模糊，梅茨格后來才知道，這是因為哈馬斯槍手在她家外面。

Militants broke into and set homes on fire, kidnapping and killing their occupants, after which hundreds of Palestinian civilians came streaming into the kibbutz through an opening in the fence that encages Gaza. “They sat in our kitchens, they took our tractors and our bicycles out for a spin,” Metzger recounts.

武裝分子闖入民宅，縱火焚燒，綁架并殺害了民宅中的居民，隨后數(shù)百名巴勒斯坦平民從圍著加沙的圍欄上的洞口涌入基布茲?！八麄冏谖覀兊膹N房里，開著我們的拖拉機和自行車出去兜風(fēng)，”梅茨格回憶道。

Meanwhile, the Israeli army was nowhere to be found. Metzger’s voice almost falters when describing how less than a dozen kibbutz members — some of whom were killed or kidnapped — were left to defend 400 residents. Soldiers finally arrived long after multiple waves of Gazans militants and civilians had returned to Gaza. “We live in a society built on the understanding that the Israeli army exists,” she says. “That in the moment of truth, it will show up — whether it takes 15 minutes or an hour, they will be here. But they weren’t here.”

與此同時，以色列軍隊卻不見蹤影。梅茨格在描述只有不到十幾名基布茲成員（其中一些人被殺或被綁架）保衛(wèi) 400 名居民時，聲音幾乎顫抖。在加沙武裝分子和平民多次返回加沙后，士兵們終于抵達?！拔覀兩钤谝粋€建立在以色列軍隊存在的基礎(chǔ)上的社會，”她說?！霸陉P(guān)鍵時刻，以色列軍隊會出現(xiàn)——無論需要 15 分鐘還是 1 小時，他們都會在這里。但他們沒有來。”

Metzger’s daughter survived, but by the time it was over, a quarter of the kibbutz, including Yoram and Tamar, was gone — either dead or taken hostage. Israeli forces spent the next days sifting through the wreckage, trying to identify bodies (some had been charred so far beyond recognition that they could only be recognized by their teeth) including in the fields between Gaza and Nir Oz. Since then, the army has boarded up many of the homes.

梅茨格的女兒幸免于難，但戰(zhàn)爭結(jié)束時，包括約拉姆和塔瑪在內(nèi)的四分之一基布茲人都已不見蹤影——要么死亡，要么被劫持為人質(zhì)。以色列軍隊在接下來的幾天里仔細(xì)檢查廢墟，試圖辨認(rèn)尸體（有些尸體被燒焦得面目全非，只能通過牙齒辨認(rèn)），包括加沙和尼爾奧茲之間的田野。從那時起，軍隊就用木板封住了許多房屋。

Today, only a handful of kibbutz members and Thai workers live in the kibbutz, while the vast majority were eventually absorbed into a compound in the nearby city of Kiryat Gat. Earlier this month, over a year after the massacre, the Israeli government finally announced it would start rebuilding the kibbutz. But Netanyahu has not once visited the community that has become a symbol of government dereliction for many Israelis. And on Dec. 4, the Israeli army released the results of an internal probe that found that Yoram Metzger had been executed by his captors together with five other hostages — as a result, whether direct or indirect, of the Israeli military pounding the area where they were being held.

如今，只有少數(shù)基布茲成員和泰國工人住在基布茲，而絕大多數(shù)人最終被吸收到附近城市基爾亞特加特的一處大院中。本月初，大屠殺發(fā)生一年多后，以色列政府終于宣布將開始重建基布茲。但內(nèi)塔尼亞胡從未訪問過這個社區(qū)，而這個社區(qū)已成為許多以色列人眼中政府失職的象征。12 月 4 日，以色列軍方公布了內(nèi)部調(diào)查結(jié)果，發(fā)現(xiàn)約拉姆·梅茨格與其他五名人質(zhì)一起被綁架者處決——這是以色列軍隊對他們被關(guān)押地區(qū)的猛烈攻擊（無論是直接還是間接）的結(jié)果。

‘We stopped asking for permission’
Metzger and Ran spent the first weeks after October 7 in triage mode, going between her parents’ home in Pardes Hanna, where she worked on building lists of those who disappeared that day, and Eilat, where she supported the displaced of Nir Oz. But she quickly realized that she needed to broaden her efforts, and headed to Jerusalem to try and speak to members of Knesset about a hostage deal. There, she discovered that a hostage family had erected a protest tent in front of the Prime Minister’s Residence, demanding that Netanyahu do everything in his power to bring their loved ones home.

“我們不再征求許可了”
10 月 7 日之后的最初幾周，梅茨格和蘭一直處于分類處理狀態(tài)，她們在帕爾德斯?jié)h娜的父母家和埃拉特之間奔波，在帕爾德斯?jié)h娜，她負(fù)責(zé)編制當(dāng)天失蹤人員名單，在埃拉特，她為尼爾奧茲的流離失所者提供支持。但她很快意識到自己需要擴大努力范圍，于是前往耶路撒冷，試圖與以色列議會議員討論人質(zhì)交易。在那里，她發(fā)現(xiàn)人質(zhì)家庭在總理官邸前搭起了一個抗議帳篷，要求內(nèi)塔尼亞胡盡一切努力讓他們的親人回家。

After two weeks in Jerusalem, she decided to focus all of her energy on working with the Hostages and Missing Families Forum — the central hub advocating for the hostages’ return, composed of activists from across the political spectrum. The Forum established “Hostages Square” in central Tel Aviv, where it holds weekly ceremonial vigils replete with somber speeches, songs, and performances.

在耶路撒冷待了兩周后，她決定把全部精力放在與人質(zhì)和失蹤家庭論壇的合作上。該論壇是倡導(dǎo)人質(zhì)回歸的中心，由來自各個政治派別的活動人士組成。該論壇在特拉維夫市中心建立了“人質(zhì)廣場”，每周舉行守夜儀式，期間有嚴(yán)肅的演講、歌曲和表演。

Since its inception, says Metzger, the Forum has had to perform a “delicate tango” to keep its various factions unified under one banner, and to try to appeal to a broad spectrum of Israelis. While some members, like Metzger, have been openly critical of the government, others have pushed the Forum to take a conciliatory and cooperative approach with Netanyahu — a position that, over the past six months, has become increasingly untenable.

梅茨格說，自成立以來，論壇就不得不跳“微妙的探戈”，以將各個派系統(tǒng)一在一個旗幟下，并試圖吸引廣泛的以色列人。雖然一些成員，如梅茨格，公開批評政府，但其他人則推動論壇對內(nèi)塔尼亞胡采取和解與合作的態(tài)度——在過去六個月里，這一立場變得越來越站不住腳。

A meeting with the prime minister and his wife Sara last December ended with little more than what Metzger calls the “royal couple’s” braggadocio: Netanyahu implored the hostage families to tell the world about their plight but to avoid doing so in the local media; Sara regaled them with tales of how she wrote to women’s organizations around the world.

去年12月，梅茨格與總理及其夫人薩拉的一次會面以“王室夫婦”的自夸結(jié)束：內(nèi)塔尼亞胡懇求人質(zhì)家屬向世界講述他們的困境，但不要通過當(dāng)?shù)孛襟w報道；薩拉則向他們講述了她如何給世界各地的婦女組織寫信的故事。

“The Forum members were afraid to say that the government was responsible [for returning the hostages], to hold them accountable and point the finger at them,” Metzger explains. “Members of the Forum knew how to set up tents, provide facilities, and bring sound equipment. But I needed our message to be refined.”

“論壇成員不敢說政府有責(zé)任（遣返人質(zhì)），不敢追究他們的責(zé)任，不敢指責(zé)他們，”梅茨格解釋道。“論壇成員知道如何搭建帳篷、提供設(shè)施和攜帶音響設(shè)備。但我需要完善我們的信息?！?/b>

Meanwhile, Metzger began noticing the growing influence of the Tikva Forum, a far-right alternative to the Hostages and Missing Families Forum that supports the government’s “total victory” approach — for whom unrelenting military destruction in Gaza is seen as the only way to force Hamas to surrender, even at the expense of the hostages. “My first lesson in politics came when I understood who the Tikva Forum was,” Metzger says, noting that their vision of “sacrificing our children to become martyrs” aligned all too well with that of the government.

與此同時，梅茨格開始注意到蒂克瓦論壇的影響力日漸增強。蒂克瓦論壇是人質(zhì)與失蹤家屬論壇的極右翼替代組織，支持政府的“全面勝利”方針——對該組織而言，對加沙進行無情的軍事破壞是迫使哈馬斯投降的唯一方法，哪怕是以犧牲人質(zhì)為代價。“當(dāng)我了解到蒂克瓦論壇是誰時，我學(xué)到了第一堂政治課，”梅茨格說，并指出他們“犧牲我們的孩子成為烈士”的愿景與政府的愿景非常一致。
原創(chuàng)翻譯：龍騰網(wǎng) http://m.mintwatchbillionaireclub.com 轉(zhuǎn)載請注明出處


The vigils at Hostages Square, meanwhile, were too reminiscent of the solemnity associated with Israel’s annual Memorial Day ceremonies. “We went to the square about four times, and at some point I just couldn’t [be there] anymore,” Metzger explains. “So I started looking for other ways that didn’t involve standing there and singing.”

與此同時，人質(zhì)廣場的守夜活動讓人想起以色列每年陣亡將士紀(jì)念日儀式的莊嚴(yán)氣氛?！拔覀?nèi)チ藦V場大約四次，但到了某個時候，我實在無法再待在那里了，”梅茨格解釋道?！八晕议_始尋找其他方式，不用站在那里唱歌?！?/b>

Metzger knew she would need to stake out a more radical position in order to exert real pressure on the government. And so in January, along with a small group of hostage family members, she began blocking main thoroughfares, including the Ayalon Highway. “We decided to simply start taking action, action, action. This draws the media to you, and that way you can deliver your messaging [to the public]. We stopped asking for permission.”

梅茨格知道，她需要采取更激進的立場，才能對政府施加真正的壓力。因此，今年 1 月，她與一小群人質(zhì)家屬開始封鎖主要干道，包括阿亞隆高速公路。“我們決定直接開始采取行動，行動，再行動。這會吸引媒體的關(guān)注，這樣你就可以向公眾傳遞你的信息。我們不再請求許可?！?/b>

The Forum quickly distanced itself from the cadre, while Netanyahu-aligned media outlets and social media personalities — often dubbed the “poison machine” — launched a campaign of incitement against them. By February, they were openly speaking to the media, both local and international (Metzger herself gave an interview to Al Jazeera, which the Israeli government banned for its alleged support for terrorism), and confronting the police head on with protests that often ended in arrests or injuries; Metzger was wounded in June when she was trampled by a police officer on horseback.

該論壇迅速與該群體劃清界限，而與內(nèi)塔尼亞胡結(jié)盟的媒體和社交媒體名人——經(jīng)常被稱為“毒藥機器”——發(fā)起了一場反對他們的煽動運動。到了二月份，她們開始公開向當(dāng)?shù)睾蛧H媒體發(fā)表講話（梅茨格本人接受了半島電視臺的采訪，但該電視臺因涉嫌支持恐怖主義而被以色列政府封禁），并與警方正面交鋒，抗議的結(jié)果是警方逮捕或造成人員受傷；六月份，梅茨格被一名騎馬的警察踩踏受傷。

During the tour of Nir Oz, two middle-aged women excitedly recognize Metzger (“We watch you hypnotized during every protest!”), urging her to enter politics (“We need new blood, someone we can vote for!”). Metzger speaks to them less like a revered public figure and more like the leader of a militant underground movement: “You must be careful everywhere now. Just by virtue of being against the government, you are already seen as a political dissident. That is why we need to ensure we have access to weapons — I’m serious.”

在尼爾奧茲之旅中，兩名中年婦女興奮地認(rèn)出了梅茨格（“我們看到你在每次抗議中都像被催眠了一樣！”），并敦促她從政（“我們需要新鮮血液，需要我們可以投票的人！”）。梅茨格對她們說話的樣子不像是一位受人尊敬的公眾人物，而更像是一個激進地下運動的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人：“你現(xiàn)在在任何地方都要小心。僅僅因為反對政府，你就已經(jīng)被視為政治異見者。這就是為什么我們需要確保我們能夠獲得武器，我是認(rèn)真的?！?/b>

It was certainly not the first inflammatory remark Metzger has made over the last year; in June, during a protest outside Netanyahu’s home in Caesarea, Metzger delivered a blistering speech over the deafening blare of police sirens, in which she declared that if the hostages are not returned, “We will be waiting with a noose.”

這當(dāng)然不是梅茨格在過去一年中第一次發(fā)表煽動性言論。今年 6 月，在內(nèi)塔尼亞胡位于凱撒利亞的家外舉行的抗議活動中，梅茨格在震耳欲聾的警笛聲中發(fā)表了嚴(yán)厲的講話，她宣稱，如果人質(zhì)不被釋放，“我們將拿著絞索等著”。

The sacrificial altar of ‘total victory’
The penny dropped sometime in early May. Announcing that it had agreed to an Egyptian-Qatari proposal for a ceasefire and hostage deal, Hamas took the Israeli public — and the government — by surprise. Netanyahu quickly made his position clear: there would be no ceasefire, and Israeli ground troops would proceed into Rafah, a plan many Israelis said had been concocted by the prime minister to thwart a deal with Hamas and keep the war going.

“全面勝利”的祭祀祭壇
五月初，人們終于醒悟過來。哈馬斯宣布同意埃及和卡塔爾提出的?；鸷腿速|(zhì)協(xié)議，這讓以色列公眾和政府都大吃一驚。內(nèi)塔尼亞胡很快表明了自己的立場：不會停火，以色列地面部隊將進入拉法。許多以色列人表示，這一計劃是總理炮制的，目的是阻止與哈馬斯達成協(xié)議，并繼續(xù)戰(zhàn)爭。

Polls show that Metzger’s views are today in line with the vast majority of the Jewish-Israeli public, which has shifted over the last year from wall-to-wall support for the war to an overwhelming majority in favor of a negotiated deal to end it and return the hostages in exchange for Palestinian prisoners. She came to the conclusion “early on” that the war had to end, and like many others, she couldn’t comprehend how every soi-disant military “victory” — from the invasion of Rafah to the assassinations of Ismail Haniyeh, Yahya Sinwar, and Hassan Nasrallah — wasn’t bringing the release of the hostages any closer.

民意調(diào)查顯示，梅茨格的觀點與如今絕大多數(shù)以色列猶太人的觀點一致，他們的觀點在過去一年里從全民支持戰(zhàn)爭轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)榻^大多數(shù)人贊成通過談判結(jié)束戰(zhàn)爭，并歸還人質(zhì)以換取巴勒斯坦戰(zhàn)俘。她“很早就”得出結(jié)論，戰(zhàn)爭必須結(jié)束。和許多其他人一樣，她無法理解為什么每一次所謂的軍事“勝利”——從入侵拉法到暗殺伊斯梅爾·哈尼亞、葉海亞·辛瓦爾和哈?！ぜ{斯魯拉——都沒能讓人們質(zhì)的釋放更近一步。

“I initially supported the war,” she says. “I told myself, ‘Put pressure on [Hamas], fine. We need to fight.’ But as time went on, I began to see how every point of leverage was deliberately tossed away, and how, every time there is a real opportunity on the table, right before an agreement is signed, suddenly [Israel] assassinates some senior [Palestinian] figure. It has become systematic. How many more soldiers and hostages are we going to sacrifice for this?”

“我最初支持這場戰(zhàn)爭，”她說?！拔腋嬖V自己，‘對 [哈馬斯] 施加壓力，沒問題。我們需要戰(zhàn)斗。’但隨著時間的推移，我開始看到，每一個籌碼都被故意浪費了，每當(dāng)有真正的機會擺在桌面上，就在簽署協(xié)議之前，[以色列] 突然暗殺一些 [巴勒斯坦] 高級人物。這已經(jīng)成為系統(tǒng)性行為。我們還要為此犧牲多少士兵和人質(zhì)？”

Since October 7, a total of 78 Israeli hostages — including Metzger’s mother-in-law — were freed in a deal with Hamas last November, while eight others were rescued alive in military operations. Hamas also released four women for “humanitarian reasons,” as well as 27 foreign and dual nationals outside of the initial deal.

自 10 月 7 日以來，共有 78 名以色列人質(zhì)（包括梅茨格的岳母）在去年 11 月與哈馬斯達成的協(xié)議中獲釋，另有?? 8 人通過軍事行動獲救。哈馬斯還出于“人道主義原因”釋放了 4 名婦女，并釋放了 27 名未簽署初始協(xié)議的外國人和雙重國籍者。
原創(chuàng)翻譯：龍騰網(wǎng) http://m.mintwatchbillionaireclub.com 轉(zhuǎn)載請注明出處


The Israeli army itself killed three hostages in December, mistaking them for Gazans. Another was killed in a botched rescue operation. Around 30 have been recovered by the military in body bags, some of whom were killed on October 7 and some of whom died in captivity. At least 36 of the remaining 96 hostages are presumed dead, and Hamas claims that Israeli attacks have killed several others.

12 月，以色列軍隊誤將三名人質(zhì)當(dāng)成加沙人殺害。另一名人質(zhì)在一次拙劣的營救行動中喪生。軍方在尸袋中找到了大約 30 名人質(zhì)，其中一些人于 10 月 7 日被殺害，另一些人死于囚禁期間。其余 96 名人質(zhì)中至少有 36 人據(jù)推測已死亡，哈馬斯聲稱以色列的襲擊還造成數(shù)人死亡。

Metzger is convinced that Netanyahu’s doctrine of “total victory” is a euphemism for abandoning the remaining abductees. “It was clear to me from the start that Netanyahu wasn’t seriously considering anything but the military route,” she says. “We knew already in February that Yoram was killed in captivity; the deaths of the hostages is a result of that very same military pressure.”

梅茨格確信，內(nèi)塔尼亞胡的“全面勝利”理論只是拋棄剩余被綁架者的委婉說法。“我從一開始就很清楚，內(nèi)塔尼亞胡除了軍事途徑外，沒有認(rèn)真考慮任何其他辦法，”她說?！拔覀冊缭诙路菥椭兰s拉姆在囚禁期間被殺；人質(zhì)的死亡正是軍事壓力的結(jié)果?！?/b>

Despite the respectable showings at the weekly protests in support of the hostage families, Metzger feels the activists have been left with little recourse. But there is one act she believes could force the government to end the war and cut a deal: conscientious obxtion, a phenomenon that gained popularity during last year’s protests against the government’s judicial overhaul, but became a near-treasonous position following the Hamas attacks.

盡管在每周舉行的聲援人質(zhì)家屬的抗議活動中，活動人士表現(xiàn)不俗，但梅茨格認(rèn)為，活動人士已經(jīng)束手無策。但她認(rèn)為，有一種行為可以迫使政府結(jié)束戰(zhàn)爭并達成協(xié)議：良心拒服兵役。這種現(xiàn)象在去年反對政府司法改革的抗議活動中大受歡迎，但在哈馬斯襲擊事件發(fā)生后，這種行為幾乎成了叛國行為。

“People must refuse to be part of an army that continues to corrupt itself,” she says. “Why are we surprised when Palestinians, who we have harmed, turn around and commit pogroms against us when we invade their homes?”

“人們必須拒絕成為一支不斷自我腐化的軍隊的一部分，”她說。“當(dāng)我們?nèi)肭职屠账固谷说募覉@時，我們傷害了他們，而他們卻反過來對我們進行屠殺，我們?yōu)槭裁锤械襟@訝呢？”

Metzger’s call for refusal is as personal as it is political — her daughter was conscxted into the army after October 7, and her son is a few years away from enlisting — and she displays no compunction about urging her children to refuse to serve. “If the army argues with my daughter about wearing a pin for the hostages because it’s not officially approved but allows other soldiers to wear a messianic patch that says that killing Palestinians is okay, then this isn’t a defense force — this is an army of vengeance fighting in the name of God,” she says, her voice rising with exasperation.

梅茨格的拒絕參軍呼吁既是出于個人原因，也是出于政治原因——她的女兒在 10 月 7 日之后被征召入伍，她的兒子還有幾年就要入伍——而且她毫不猶豫地敦促她的孩子們拒絕服兵役。“如果軍隊與我女兒爭論是否應(yīng)該為人質(zhì)佩戴徽章，因為這未經(jīng)官方批準(zhǔn)，但又允許其他士兵佩戴寫著可以殺死巴勒斯坦人的救世主徽章，那么這不是一支防御力量——而是一支以真主的名義作戰(zhàn)的復(fù)仇軍隊，”她說道，聲音因憤怒而提高。

Her words hang in the air, cut off only by the purring of stray cats that now constitute the majority of Nir Oz’s population. The only other audible sounds are an army drone buzzing in the distance, and gunfire cutting through the wind from the direction of Khan Younis — just a few miles beyond the fence that was supposed to protect one community and imprison another in perpetuity. Even here, among the ruins of the kibbutz, Gaza forces its way back into the Israeli consciousness.

她的話語回蕩在空氣中，只被流浪貓的呼嚕聲打斷，如今流浪貓占尼爾奧茲人口的大多數(shù)。唯一能聽到的其他聲音是遠(yuǎn)處軍隊無人機的嗡嗡聲，以及從汗尤尼斯方向傳來的槍聲——距離原本應(yīng)該保護一個社區(qū)并永久囚禁另一個社區(qū)的圍欄只有幾英里。即使在這里，在基布茲的廢墟中，加沙也重新回到了以色列人的意識中。

Waging a different struggle
In mid-October, Metzger took part in a conference in south Tel Aviv to mark the one-year anniversary of October 7 and the war on Gaza (Hebrew-language site Local Call was one of the sponsors of the event). Speaking alongside Palestinian journalists and activists, Jewish radical leftists, and community organizers, Metzger told her story. Speaking after Gazan journalist Mahmoud Mushtaha — whose pre-recorded testimony described how Israel’s genocidal assault has killed dozens of his family members — she took the opportunity to address what the vast majority of Israelis prefer to ignore.

進行一場不同的斗爭
十月中旬，梅茨格參加了在特拉維夫南部舉行的紀(jì)念 10 月 7 日事件和加沙戰(zhàn)爭一周年的會議（希伯來語網(wǎng)站 Local Call 是此次活動的贊助商之一）。在巴勒斯坦記者和活動人士、猶太激進左翼分子和社區(qū)組織者的陪同下，梅茨格講述了自己的故事。在加沙記者馬哈茂德·穆什塔哈預(yù)先錄制的證詞描述了以色列的種族滅絕襲擊如何殺死他的數(shù)十名家人之后，她借此機會談到了絕大多數(shù)以色列人選擇忽視的問題。

“I grew up learning not to make generalizations, certainly not about 3-year-old children,” she told the packed auditorium. “Yes, the 3-year-old might attend a Hamas kindergarten, but he is not to blame for what he’s being taught. I see it in Ashkelon too, where there is a similar kind of education, just from the opposite side of the political spectrum. So he is not to blame, and he certainly doesn’t deserve a bullet to the head just because he was in a Hamas kindergarten or because his mother was part of Hamas. I’m not willing to be part of that, and I’m not okay with things like that being done in my name.”

“我從小就學(xué)會不要泛泛而談，尤其是不要對 3 歲的孩子一概而論，”她對擠滿人的禮堂說道。“是的，3 歲的孩子可能會去哈馬斯幼兒園，但他不應(yīng)該為所學(xué)的東西負(fù)責(zé)。我在阿什凱隆也看到了這種情況，那里也有類似的教育，只是來自政治光譜的另一端。所以他不應(yīng)該受到指責(zé)，他當(dāng)然也不該僅僅因為他在哈馬斯幼兒園上學(xué)或者因為他的母親是哈馬斯成員就被槍殺。我不愿意成為其中的一員，我也不同意以我的名義做這樣的事情?！?/b>

“The longer this war drags on,” Metzger continued, “the more the hatred grows. My mission today is, first and foremost, to stop this cycle. I want to address the Palestinian side, as they too bear responsibility in this story and must engage in self-reflection, demand more, and take greater action — despite the immense difficulties. Even as we face a fascist-leaning reality on our side and are in a position of relative strength [vis-a-vis Palestinians], there is a need for introspection on their part.”

“這場戰(zhàn)爭拖得越久，”梅茨格繼續(xù)說道，“仇恨就越深重。我今天的使命首先就是要阻止這種循環(huán)。我想向巴勒斯坦方面講話，因為他們也對這個故事負(fù)有責(zé)任，必須進行自我反省，提出更多要求，采取更大行動——盡管困難重重。即使我們面臨法西斯主義傾向的現(xiàn)實，并且處于相對強勢的地位（相對于巴勒斯坦人），他們也需要進行反省?！?/b>

Standing in Nir Oz’s communal dining room, where long tables have been set up with places laid for each kibbutz member still held captive in Gaza, Metzger certainly has no love lost for those who pillaged the kibbutz. And yet she knows that the violence of October 7 did not occur in a vacuum.

站在尼爾·奧茲的公共餐廳里，長長的桌子擺放著仍被關(guān)押在加沙的基布茲成員的座位，梅茨格對那些洗劫基布茲的人當(dāng)然沒有任何好感。但她知道，10 月 7 日的暴力事件并非空穴來風(fēng)。

“What’s happening in the occupied territories — I cannot stand behind this,” she says. “Do we really think that there won’t be a boomerang effect [to this]? Those who speak the language of bullying and force should expect the same in return. It’s a terrible loop that’s incredibly hard to break out of. You have to be brave to step out of it.”

“被占領(lǐng)土上發(fā)生的事情——我無法支持這種做法，”她說?！拔覀冋娴恼J(rèn)為不會產(chǎn)生反噬效應(yīng)嗎？那些說霸凌和武力的人應(yīng)該會得到同樣的回報。這是一個可怕的循環(huán)，很難擺脫。你必須勇敢地走出去?！?/b>
原創(chuàng)翻譯：龍騰網(wǎng) http://m.mintwatchbillionaireclub.com 轉(zhuǎn)載請注明出處


Despite everything she and her community have endured, Metzger knows there is no choice but to try and imagine a shared future between Israelis and Palestinians. “The other option is to leave en masse and tell the Kahanists to build their Holy Temple on blood-soaked ground,” she says. “Now the question is: what will our camp decide to do? Flee? Will we abandon the fight or stay and wage a different kind of struggle?”

盡管她和她的社區(qū)經(jīng)歷了這么多，梅茨格知道，除了努力想象以色列人和巴勒斯坦人共同的未來之外，別無選擇。“另一個選擇是集體離開，并告訴卡哈納主義者在血腥的土地上建造他們的圣殿，”她說?！艾F(xiàn)在的問題是：我們的陣營會決定怎么做？逃跑？我們會放棄戰(zhàn)斗還是留下來進行另一種斗爭？”

The question lingers in the air as the sun creeps westward toward Khan Younis. Metzger knows the answers will surface eventually, but for now she is confronting a reality in which the hostage families have become emblematic of Jewish-Israeli society’s deepening fractures — a stark contrast to the unifying force they represented in the immediate aftermath of October 7.

當(dāng)太陽慢慢西移，落向汗尤尼斯時，這個問題依然縈繞在空氣中。梅茨格知道答案終究會浮出水面，但現(xiàn)在她面臨的現(xiàn)實是，人質(zhì)家庭已經(jīng)成為以色列猶太人社會日益加深的分裂的象征——這與 10 月 7 日事件發(fā)生后他們所代表的團結(jié)力量形成了鮮明對比。
原創(chuàng)翻譯：龍騰網(wǎng) http://m.mintwatchbillionaireclub.com 轉(zhuǎn)載請注明出處


“We’ve entered a new phase, but it’s unclear where we go from here.” she says. “The government has escalated its violence on all fronts, while we are stuck in the same cycle that has run its course.”

“我們已經(jīng)進入了一個新階段，但不清楚接下來該何去何從?！彼f，“政府在各方面都升級了暴力，而我們卻陷入了同樣的循環(huán)。”